But the pat results smacked of cozy dealing. De Klerk’s National Party needed 20 percent of the vote to assure him a vice presidential berth in the next “national unity” government, which will hold power for five years. De Klerk crossed the threshold by just 77,000 votes out of nearly 20 million, a result deeply reassuring to most whites. The Inkatha Freedom Party of Zulu Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi scraped into power in his home region, Natal province, by 50.32 percent, and took 10.53 percent nationally-just enough to give his party three cabinet seats. This all but ensured that Buthelezi, who had threatened to push the country into civil war by boycotting the election, will stay in the game. The nation’s top electoral official admitted that the final voting margins resulted at least partly from backroom negotiation, following an election marked by long delays and widespread allegations of fraud. “Let’s not get overly squeamish about it,” said Johann Kriegler, chairman of the Independent Election Commission. The parties, he said, “are in a power game with each other, and if they want to settle [claims of vote fraud] there’s nothing wrong with it ethically or legally.”
Mandela’s cabinet choices also raised questions about whether he was placing political unity ahead of good government. Under the new Constitution, which took-effect last month, he was entitled to nominate roughly two thirds of the 30-member cabinet. The rest will be divided between the National Party and Inkatha. Mandela settled on 17 men and women clearly chosen in the hope of satisfying specific constituencies. They range from the erudite Thabo Mbeki, chosen as first deputy president, to Alfred Nzo, a lackluster veteran of the antiapartheid struggle who, despite being ousted as ANC secretary-general three years ago, will now serve as South Africa’s first black foreign minister. Mandela may leave white Finance Minister Derek Keys in his job, a major sop to investors. Cronyism clearly was also an important factor. “Loyalty to [Mandela] personally, long service and a wish to create political balance are more important to him than expertise,” said Tom Lodge, a political scientist at the University of the Witwatersrand. “Political considerations reign over technocratic ones, and that’s a pity.”
Mandela will need technocrats as well as politicians if he is to meet his ambitious development goals. “We are rolling up our sleeves to begin tackling the problems our country faces,” he told the revelers who packed a downtown Johannesburg hotel to watch him claim victory. “This means creating jobs, building houses, providing education and bringing peace and security for all.” And that hardly exhausts the list of challenges awaiting the incoming government. The election may have been a shambles, but South Africa doesn’t have the luxury of dwelling on that-holding one at all was a major triumph. The political horse trading-if indeed it happened-served a higher goal, at least this time. But it could be dangerous if South Africa’s future leaders get hooked on the habit.
PHOTO: ‘Relieved’: The president-elect, with Thabo Mbeki, dances to celebrate his victory
STACKING THE CABINET
In his appointments, Nelson Mandela rewarded loyalty over competence.
51, first deputy president. Once the ANC envoy, the urbane Mbeki could become Mandela’s successor.
68, foreign minister. The appointment of Nzo, widely written off as a has-been, smacks of ANC cronyism.
64, defense minister. Discredited among ANC youth, Modise can get along with white army top brass.
68, housing-and-welfare minister. The Communist Party leader is hugely popular in the black townships.
62, finance minister. A respected businessman and inflation-tamer, he could keep the job he’s held with the National Party since 1991.
